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    <title>The Journal of Power Institutions in Post-Soviet Societies</title>
    <link>http://pipss.revues.org</link>
    <description>The Journal of power institutions in post-soviet societies. Pipss.org. Revue électronique. Cette revue internationale de sciences sociales est consacrée aux forces armées et aux structures de force dans les sociétés post-soviétiques.</description>        
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        <rdf:li resource="http://pipss.revues.org/3921" />
        <rdf:li resource="http://pipss.revues.org/3988" />
        <rdf:li resource="http://pipss.revues.org/3932" />
        <rdf:li resource="http://pipss.revues.org/3984" />
        <rdf:li resource="http://pipss.revues.org/3952" />
        <rdf:li resource="http://pipss.revues.org/3978" />
        <rdf:li resource="http://pipss.revues.org/3964" />
        <rdf:li resource="http://pipss.revues.org/3960" />
        <rdf:li resource="http://pipss.revues.org/3955" />
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  <item rdf:about="http://pipss.revues.org/3921">
    <title>« Démocratie dirigée » et manifestations protestataires de rue à Moscou : quelle partition joue la police ? [« Planned Democracy » and Street Protest Marches in Moscow : What Musical Score is Playing the Police?]</title>
    <description><![CDATA[
      <p class="epigraphe">« Je considère que les meetings et les marches qui ne troublent pas l’ordre légal, qui ne gênent pas les autres citoyens, leurs droits et leurs intérêts peuvent tout à fait avoir lieu. (…) s’ils [les manifestants] veulent bloquer les rues, le trafic dans la ville et troubler l’ordre public, c’est une autre question. Je considère que les autorités doivent réprimer durement ce type de tentatives. »</p>
      <p class="epigraphe">Sergei Sobianin, maire de Moscou, 16 juin 2011</p>
      <p class="epigraphe">« Il faut obtenir l'autorisation des autorités locales. Vous l'avez? Alors manifestez. Vous ne l'avez pas? Vous n'avez pas le droit. Si vous y allez quand même, vous recevrez des coups de matraques sur la tête. »</p>
      <p class="epigraphe">Vladimir Poutine, Premier ministre, 24 août 2010</p>
      <p class="texte">Octobre 2011, le mouvement des Indignés a pris une dimension planétaire. Jusqu’à maintenant, la Russie est restée épargnée et, selon le Premier ministre Vladimir Poutine, saura y échapper. Dans ce pays, recourir aux manifestations de rue reste du domaine de l’exception. Ces dernières rassemb...</p>]]></description> 
    <dc:creator>Perrine Poupin</dc:creator>
    <link>http://pipss.revues.org/3921</link>
    <dc:date>2012-11-30</dc:date>
  </item>
  <item rdf:about="http://pipss.revues.org/3988">
    <title>Introduction by Anne Le Huérou</title>
    <description><![CDATA[
      <p class="texte">We are pleased to introduce you to the latest issue of <em>The</em><em> </em><em>Journal</em><em> </em><em>of</em><em> </em><em>Power</em><em> </em><em>Institutions</em><em> </em><em>in</em><em> </em><em>Post-Soviet</em><em> </em><em>Societies</em> dedicated to police reform in Russia and the CIS. </p>
      <p class="texte">Policing issues and police reform in CIS countries, especially in the case of Russia, have emerged as a growing matter of governmental concern, public discussion, as well as a subject of civil society scrutiny these past few years. Cases of abuse and violence have been widely publicized and denounced to the point that these became a key argument for supporters of core law enforcement agency reforms. </p>
      <p class="texte">Undertaken in 2009, after the particularly striking episode of Mayor Evsyukov shooting at people in a Moscow supermarket, the process led to the preparation of a new Law on Police replacing the 1991 law and to the announcement of structural changes inside the MVD. Passed in March 2011, the law has been widely criticized by experts, the mass media, and civil society. A new scandal emerged following the case of a death in custod...</p>]]></description>
    <link>http://pipss.revues.org/3988</link>
    <dc:date>2012-11-25</dc:date>
  </item>
  <item rdf:about="http://pipss.revues.org/3984">
    <title>Police Brutality, Corruption … and Police Reform in Russia &#38; Post-Soviet States (Russian and Western sources) – A Suggested Bibliography</title>
    <description><![CDATA[
      <h1 class="texte">RUSSIAN SOURCES</h1>
      <h2 class="texte">Articles in Journals</h2>
      <ul class="texte">
        <li>
          <p class="texte"><span xml:lang="en" lang="en">R. Cherkasov, SMI i obshestvennoe mnenie o militsii // </span><em><span xml:lang="en" lang="en">Sotsiologicheskie issledovaniia</span></em><span xml:lang="en" lang="en">, # 4, 2006, s. 85-88.</span></p>
        </li>
        <li>
          <p class="texte"><span xml:lang="en" lang="en">Ia. Gilinskii, « Politsiia i naselenie: kto dlia kogo? » // </span><em><span xml:lang="en" lang="en">Otechestvennye zapiski</span></em><span xml:lang="en" lang="en">, # 2, 2003, </span><a href="http://magazines.russ.ru/oz/2003/2/glinsk-pr.htm"><span xml:lang="en" lang="en">http://magazines.russ.ru/oz/2003/2/glinsk-pr.htm</span></a><span xml:lang="en" lang="en">.</span></p>
        </li>
        <li>
          <p class="texte"><span xml:lang="en" lang="en">G. Favarel-Garrigues, « Sovetskaia militsiia i eio borba s rostom ekonomicheskikh prestuplenii v epokhu zastoia », </span><em><span xml:lang="en" lang="en">Neprikosnovennyi Zapas (NZ)</span></em><span xml:lang="en" lang="en">, vol. 4, # 42, 2005, s. 78-86.</span></p>
        </li>
        <li>
          <p class="texte"><span xml:lang="en" lang="en">B. Gladarev, « Usloviia sluzhby i sotsial'noe polozhenie riadovykh sotrudnikov militsii: sotsiologicheskii ocherk k iubileiu » // </span><em><span xml:lang="en" lang="en">Teleskop</span></em><span xml:lang="en" lang="en">, # 1, 2008, s. 12-24, </span><a href="http://www.cisr.ru/files/publ/Gladarev/Gladarev_Teleskop_Militia.pdf"><span xml:lang="en" lang="en">http://www.cisr.ru/files/publ/Gladarev/Gladarev_Teleskop_Militia.pdf</span></a><span xml:lang="en" lang="en">.</span></p>
        </li>
        <li>
          <p class="texte"><span xml:lang="en" lang="en">B. Gladarev, “Mutatsii dyadi Stepy” // </span><em><span xml:lang="en" lang="en">Neva</span></em><span xml:lang="en" lang="en">, # 1, 2009, s.153-165.</span></p>
        </li>
        <li>
          <p class="texte"><span xml:lang="en" lang="en">B. Gladarev, Zh. Tsynman, « Militsionery I gastarbaitery: ulichnye praktiki pereraspredeleniia resursov » // </span><em><span xml:lang="en" lang="en">Sotsiologicheskii zhurnal</span></em><span xml:lang="en" lang="en">, # 1, 2010, s. 37-63, </span><a href="http://www.cisr.ru/files/publ/Gladarev/GladarevZinman_%20SocJ_militia.pdf"><span xml:lang="en" lang="en">http://www.cisr.ru/files/publ/Gladarev/GladarevZinman_%20SocJ_militia.pdf</span></a><span xml:lang="en" lang="en"> </span></p>
        </li>
        <li>
          <p class="texte"><span xml:lang="en" lang="en">Govorov, «...</span></p>
        </li>
      </ul>]]></description> 
    <dc:creator>Elisabeth Sieca-Kozlowski</dc:creator>
    <link>http://pipss.revues.org/3984</link>
    <dc:date>2012-11-23</dc:date>
  </item>
  <item rdf:about="http://pipss.revues.org/3932">
    <title>« […] Local police officers are accused of violence […] but case officers have an opportunity to commit acts of violence with impunity » - Interview with Ekaterina Khozhdaeva, Associate Professor in Sociology, Kazan State Technical University, conducted in Paris, 3 April 2012</title>
    <description><![CDATA[
      <p class="texte"><strong><span xml:lang="en" lang="en">PIPSS.ORG -</span></strong><span xml:lang="en" lang="en"> Could you introduce yourself?</span></p>
      <p class="texte"><strong><span xml:lang="en" lang="en">Ekaterina Khozhdaeva</span></strong><span xml:lang="en" lang="en">: I work in Kazan State Technological University, which is now known as Kazan National Research Technological University, Department of Sociology, Political Science and Management. As soon as I realised, that I was a social scientist (it happened in my fourth year at the University), I decided to specialise in empirical studies. My first topic was mass media in Tatarstan. It was the topic of my thesis. Simultaneously, we started researching the extent of religious tendencies among young people, first with a focus on the Muslim identity and by the late 2000s we covered all young people. As you know it is difficult to conduct regional research in Russia independently, researchers cannot concentrate on one topic only, because it is difficult to receive grants. That is why we are often invited to take part in other research studies. I have participated in many research projects. </span></p>
      <h1 class="texte">Studying the relation between the police and the...</h1>]]></description> 
    <dc:creator>Anne Le Huérou</dc:creator> 
    <dc:creator>Elisabeth Sieca-Kozlowski</dc:creator>
    <link>http://pipss.revues.org/3932</link>
    <dc:date>2012-11-23</dc:date>
  </item>
  <item rdf:about="http://pipss.revues.org/3978">
    <title>Russian Police before the 2010-2011 Reform: A Police Officer’s Perspective </title>
    <description><![CDATA[
      <p class="texte"><span xml:lang="en" lang="en">On December 24, 2009 President Dmitry Medvedev signed a decree “On measures to improve the work of Internal Affairs Authorities of the Russian Federation” that became the first step towards reforming the country’s police. This decision came amidst continuous negative media coverage of the Ministry of Internal Affairs’ work throughout 2009, contributing to the deep public distrust of the police</span><span xml:lang="en" lang="en"></span><span xml:lang="en" lang="en">. Media coverage and sociological studies alike have confirmed the inefficiency and corruption of the police as a state institution; these reports have inevitably influenced public opinion regarding police work in Russia resulting in the emergence of a public consensus on the necessity to reform the police. This article presents a brief overview of the sociological literature on the main themes of the public discussion of the Russian police over the last twenty years. It then examines the results of a study of police work in St. P</span><span xml:lang="en" lang="en">etersburg and Kazan on the eve of President Medvedev’s 2010–2011 ...</span></p>]]></description> 
    <dc:creator>Boris Gladarev</dc:creator>
    <link>http://pipss.revues.org/3978</link>
    <dc:date>2012-11-20</dc:date>
  </item>
  <item rdf:about="http://pipss.revues.org/3952">
    <title>Russie : la société civile et le système répressif avant le début officiel de la réforme [Russia : Civil Society and the Law Enforcement System Prior to the Official Initiation of the Reform]</title>
    <description><![CDATA[
      <p class="texte"><span xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">Les</span><span xml:lang="fr" lang="fr"> dix ou douze dernières années peuvent être considérées comme la période de formation d’un milieu professionnel pour les ONG travaillant dans le domaine des droits de l'Homme et du système répressif. Elles ont d’ailleurs été rejointes par de nouveaux groupes. Cette professionnalisation a conduit, d'une part, à accroître l'efficacité dans la protection des victimes : si au début des années 2000, initier une procédure pénale contre un policier à propos d''abus de pouvoir avec recours à la violence était extrêmement difficile, pour ne pas dire impossible, aujourd'hui, les organisations de défense des droits de l'Homme ont à leur actif plusieurs centaine de verdicts prononcés contre des policiers. Des dizaines de millions de roubles ont été versés par le trésor public de la Fédération de Russie pour l'indemnisation des victimes de ces crimes. D'autre part, la professionnalisation et les succès remportés dans la défense des droits de victimes individuelles ont plus clairement mis en é...</span></p>]]></description> 
    <dc:creator>Natalia Taubina</dc:creator>
    <link>http://pipss.revues.org/3952</link>
    <dc:date>2012-11-20</dc:date>
  </item>
  <item rdf:about="http://pipss.revues.org/3964">
    <title>Why does police reform appear to have been more successful in Georgia than in Kyrgyzstan or Russia?</title>
    <description><![CDATA[
      <p class="resume">Reform has been relatively successful in Georgia because, after the Rose Revolution, the new government used its dominance of the state to fire a huge number of officers, purge the old leadership, and instigate a crackdown on police corruption and links with organised crime. This took place in the background of a strong public demand for reform and a state-building process which dramatically reduced public sector corruption and altered state-society relations. In Kyrgyzstan and Russia, neither top-down nor bottom-up pressure has manifested itself into political pressure for reform. In the former, the state has been highly contested and powerful factions have competed to use it to extract resources for their own benefit and/or those of their constituents. In Russia, the state is more stable, but the leadership lacks the know-how or the willingness to implement meaningful reform. Instead of reform being imposed upon each country’s Ministry of Interior, reforms have been co-opted by el...</p>]]></description> 
    <dc:creator>Kornely Kakachia</dc:creator> 
    <dc:creator>Liam O’Shea</dc:creator>
    <link>http://pipss.revues.org/3964</link>
    <dc:date>2012-10-29</dc:date>
  </item>
  <item rdf:about="http://pipss.revues.org/3960">
    <title>Purges, Power and Purpose: Medvedev's 2011 police reforms</title>
    <description><![CDATA[
      <h1 class="texte">Purges, Power and Purpose: Medvedev's 2011 police reforms</h1>
      <p class="texte"><span xml:lang="en" lang="en">Dmitri Medvedev’s presidential legacy will be a curious one. His willingness to act as Vladimir Putin’s chair-warmer and meekly step down at the end of his presidency in 2012, allied with his rather awkward style and diminutive stature, combined to leave many willing to consider him an historical irrelevancy. However, the irony is that it was on his watch that post-Soviet Russia embarked upon its first serious and sustained effort at military reform, and likewise a major campaign to modernise the Ministry of Internal Affairs (MVD). This last was no doubt approved by Putin but which nonetheless seems largely to have been driven by Medvedev and his agenda. It culminated in a new Law on the Police, passed in 2011, which saw the force lose its Soviet-era title </span><em><span xml:lang="en" lang="en">militsiia</span></em><span xml:lang="en" lang="en"> (“militia”) and go through a process of shrinkage and re-accreditation intended to weed out officers unable or unwilling to do their jobs.</span></p>
      <p class="texte"><span xml:lang="en" lang="en">There was certainly a cle...</span></p>]]></description> 
    <dc:creator>Mark Galeotti</dc:creator>
    <link>http://pipss.revues.org/3960</link>
    <dc:date>2012-10-24</dc:date>
  </item>
  <item rdf:about="http://pipss.revues.org/3955">
    <title>Brian Taylor, State Building in Putin’s Russia. Policing and Coercion after Communism</title>
    <description><![CDATA[
      <p class="texte">Brian Taylor propose dans cet ouvrage une réflexion sur la construction de l’État en Russie depuis l’arrivée de Poutine au pouvoir, en analysant la transformation des ministères de force, notamment des services répressifs. Inspiré par une lecture wéberienne de l’État, il constate que peu d’ouvrages sur la Russie post-communiste abordent la question de la place de la violence dans la formation de l’État russe. Prenant note du projet poutinien de « construire un État » par le haut, Brian Taylor cherche à apprécier le succès de cette entreprise au terme de ses deux premiers mandats présidentiels. Pour réaliser cet exercice d’évaluation et dans un souci de comparatisme, Brian Taylor propose des indicateurs inspirés par une taxinomie des types d’État en fonction de leur capacité d’une part, de leur qualité d’autre part.</p>
      <p class="texte">La « <em>state capacity </em>» est définie comme « la capacité de l’État à assurer une mise en œuvre fiable de ses décisions par son personnel ». La « <em>state quality </em>» varie quant à...</p>]]></description> 
    <dc:creator>Gilles Favarel-Garrigues</dc:creator>
    <link>http://pipss.revues.org/3955</link>
    <dc:date>2012-08-23</dc:date>
  </item>
  <item rdf:about="http://pipss.revues.org/3949">
    <title>Youtube Cops and Power Without Limits : Understanding Police Violence in 21st Century Russia</title>
    <description><![CDATA[
      <p class="texte">The problems associated with the Russian police have been well-documented over the last 20 years or so, and include pervasive corruption and police brutality, a lack of professionalism and discipline, and the arbitrary use of power, the latter resulting in claims that the police enjoy “power without limits”<em> </em>.<em> </em>It goes without saying that traditional media sources play an important role in the framing of ‘the police’ problem, but recently the prevailing view of the police as predatory and mercenary ‘werewolves in epaulettes’ has been simultaneously reinforced and challenged through the use of other forms of media, including the Internet. The aforementioned ‘challenge’ does not deny that the Russian police appear to be routinely involved in corrupt and violent practices, but it does raise questions about their motivation. This paper uses examples of media exposés to examine the impact of police (mis)conduct, including “whistle-blowing”, on police reform initiatives. It considers in det...</p>]]></description> 
    <dc:creator>Yulia Chistyakova</dc:creator> 
    <dc:creator>Annette Robertson</dc:creator>
    <link>http://pipss.revues.org/3949</link>
    <dc:date>2012-08-17</dc:date>
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